File under: Reading the writing on the wall. As the United States withholds vital aid for the Palestinians, Israel handed over $78 million last week. The early transfer of tax revenues reflects Israeli fears of wider unrest as the crisis strains the Palestinian Authority's budget to the point of government shutdowns over unpaid wages.
The financial crisis is a potentially destabilizing shortfall in revenues that raises the stakes for Mahmoud Abbas ahead of his return to the U.N. Little has changed a month since unrest paralyzed the occupied territories and called into question the stability of the Western-backed regime. Despite the bailout, Israel's third this year, the occupation and donor chaos behind the crisis are not going away; the PA is still on the brink.
“The situation is fundamentally the same,” says Nour Odeh, a PA spokeswoman. She points to a $1.3 billion budget deficit, the result of a drop in domestic revenues, tax income and donor support. Ramallah’s response, trying to raise revenues and control expenditures, would be sound in any normal country. But this government has access to only a fraction of its economy. Israel’s occupation deprives it of as much as 85 percent of the nominal GDP, while half the budget goes to Hamas-ruled Gaza where the PA cannot collect taxes. Barred these revenues, it relies on aid.
The World Bank and International Monetary Fund say there is only one long-term fix: Israel must lift impediments to growth, mainly in Gaza and the 60 percent of the West Bank controlled by its military. But while the Israelis are evidently more concerned than the Americans or Europeans, Benjamin Netanyahu is unlikely to budge more than he already has. Israel, he seems to really believe, is doing all it can to repair Abbas’s broken economy but the Palestinians won’t utter a word of thanks. "Abbas did not say anything about what Israel did," he complained recently, referring to last month's release of revenues. “What did Arab states do for him lately?”
The gap matters not only for deciphering Netanyahu's fuzzy math. It may also explain Abbas's hesitancy to return to the U.N. when a vote would have made the biggest impact—last month at the General Assembly. Abbas postponed—until November—just as Europe disconnected from the PA budget before he left for New York. The gap between Western and Arab aid is large compared to the previous six months (when non-Arab aid slipped below $24 million just once). In March it stood at $102 million. Over the next five months, it dropped to a low of $25,000 in August.
If donor countries use the threat to discourage diplomatic moves opposed by Israel, it’s easy to see why that might be persuasive for a government that literally can't afford to keep the lights on. Palestinian officials are coming to terms with the predicament. "There is no option but to reexamine our internal sources (of revenue),” a top official says. But that's no simple task under occupation. And the Palestinians are starting to demand alternatives to Oslo-era agreements with Israel.
“The real obstacle restricting the Palestinian economy is the Israeli occupation," not the recent donor chaos, says Odeh, the PA spokeswoman. But the situation as it stands now “undermines any improvement to the situation and achievement in self-sustainability the PA achieves. The longer the status quo continues, the higher the risk we will not be able to defend these achievements.” This is the dilemma facing Abbas as he weighs his next move at the U.N. If he succeeds, Israel is not likely to bail him out again.
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